From menacing to ‘cool’: How views on China have shifted in Vietnam

HANOI – Dozens of young Vietnamese women lined up for hours in September to catch a glimpse of “cool” troops marching through Hanoi in a huge military parade. But it was not their own soldiers they were looking out for. It was the Chinese contingent.

The scene reflects a shift in attitudes towards China – amid trade tensions with the United States – which has allowed Vietnamese leaders to push forward with sensitive projects, such as high-speed rail links and special economic zones close to China, that may significantly boost bilateral ties.

Only a few years ago, with many Vietnamese wary of a powerful neighbour with which they have fought multiple wars, such projects were seen as too controversial and caused violent protests.

But views are softening, posts on social media, online searches and language learning data show.

Nearly 75 per cent of Vietnamese respondents prefer the US to China as a partner, but the share favouring China is rising faster than anywhere else in South-east Asia, bucking the regional trend, according to a poll conducted at the start of 2025 by the Singapore-based ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute.

Social media appears to be playing a crucial role in the changing mood in Vietnam – and in particular TikTok, which is popular among youth and in 2024 had 67 million users in Vietnam, the highest number after Facebook, according to the government.

When users of the platform owned by Chinese tech giant ByteDance search for the Vietnamese word for China, they get overwhelmingly positive results, some of them dating back to 2023.

Among popular videos suggested by TikTok are clips of Chinese soldiers performing synchronised dances and videos showcasing Chinese cities, with many viewers expressing admiration for China’s rapid development.

TikTok users searching for the Vietnamese name of the South China Sea, a frequent flashpoint between the two communist countries that have competing claims over the waters, often get clips on tropical storms or tensions between China and the Philippines, which also has claims on parts of the sea, according to tests conducted without user profiles to avoid algorithmic bias.

TikTok’s algorithm is confidential. China has orchestrated online campaigns using fake accounts on platforms including TikTok and Facebook to promote its geopolitical interests in the Philippines.

China’s Foreign Ministry did not respond to a question about possible online campaigns but said bilateral relations have deepened. Vietnam’s Foreign Ministry did not reply to a request for comment.

In September, crowds gathered in Hanoi to mark

the 80th anniversary of Vietnam’s declaration of independence

from colonial rule.

Tens of thousands lined the streets, many of them to watch Chinese troops march alongside Vietnamese soldiers – an unprecedented sight in the capital of a country that was last invaded by China in the late 1970s and where major streets carry names of anti-Chinese heroes.

“It was worth the wait. So cool. I admire their discipline,” said Ms Le Huyen My, a 22-year-old graduate who travelled from Ho Chi Minh City in the south and camped overnight to secure a spot to watch the Chinese contingent.

One video about the parade reached 3.3 million views on TikTok and drew around 1,400 comments, many praising the Chinese soldiers’ “flawless” marching.

Similar videos on other platforms also drew positive reactions, although Facebook users were more sceptical of both China and the US.

Vietnamese youth online “sound less strident about China than before, but that owes more to the state’s increasingly tightening control of nationalism than to fading resentment”, said Dr Nguyen Khac Giang of ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute.

Online campaigns against China are still frequent in Vietnam and usually target companies for using Beijing-aligned maps of the South China Sea, but they tend to be short-lived.

That marks a change from 2018 when widespread anti-China protests forced the Vietnamese government to shelve a plan for special economic zones seen as favouring Chinese companies.

Now, Vietnamese state media reports frequently on new plans for economic zones at the border with China, stirring no protest.

“Economic interests are prevailing over nationalism,” said Mr Nguyen Hung, a scholar at RMIT University Vietnam, noting that the government in Hanoi has promoted a pragmatic approach towards Beijing, especially as trade tensions with Washington escalate.

Chinese companies are now among Vietnam’s top investors, Vietnamese data shows; leaders meet frequently; and interest in Chinese culture is growing.

China’s President Xi Jinping travelled to Vietnam twice in the past two years, and Vietnamese leader To Lam visited Beijing in his first overseas trip shortly after his appointment as Communist Party chief in 2024.

Online searches in Vietnam for China have surged, focusing on Chinese movies and the language, according to Google Trends.

In the first quarter of 2025, Vietnam led global registrations for the HSK Chinese Proficiency Test, China’s official examination for non-native speakers, according to Chinese state media.

But as China has often experienced in centuries of ambivalent ties, Vietnamese pride runs deep.

“The Chinese troops look fascinating, but our soldiers are still the best,” said 21-year-old student Nguyen Hue Van, who was at the September parade in Hanoi.
REUTERS

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