\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t The resurging calls for authorities to pursue former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra over the 2006 sale of Shin Corporation to Singapore\u2019s Temasek Holdings have once again exposed the delicate fault lines within coalition politics, where legal accountability, political survival and longstanding ideological divisions remain deeply intertwined.<\/p>\n At the centre of the renewed debate is the claim that the state lost more than 17.6 billion baht in tax revenue from the controversial transaction, which became one of the defining political flashpoints leading to the downfall of the Thaksin administration and the military coup of September 2006.<\/p>\n Nearly two decades later, the issue continues to haunt Thai politics because it symbolises what critics see as the unequal enforcement of the law for politically connected elites.<\/p>\n The Network of Students and People for Reform of Thailand (NSPRT), led by Phichit Chaimongkol, recently submitted a petition urging the government to expedite the collection of taxes linked to Thaksin over the sale of Shin Corporation shares.<\/p>\n The group cited the Supreme Court ruling dated Aug 14 last year, which dismissed Thaksin\u2019s civil lawsuit against the Revenue Department, thereby upholding a tax assessment order worth more than 17.6 billion baht related to the share sale.<\/p>\n The activist group said more than nine months had passed without clear progress in enforcing the payment. It warned that if authorities fail to act before mid-2027, when the enforcement period expires under the Revenue Code, the state could lose substantial revenue.<\/p>\n The group also called for bankruptcy proceedings to be initiated against Thaksin if the debt cannot be repaid.<\/p>\n A political source said that despite mounting pressure from conservative groups and activists demanding compensation or renewed legal action, the prospect of the current government aggressively pursuing Thaksin appears remote.<\/p>\n The main obstacle is political arithmetic.<\/p>\n Although the government is led by the Bhumjaithai Party, it relies heavily on support from the Pheu Thai Party, whose political identity and electoral machinery remain closely tied to Thaksin.<\/p>\n Any serious attempt to reopen the Shin Corp affair or seek financial restitution from the former premier would almost certainly trigger tensions within the coalition and risk destabilising the administration.<\/p>\n For Bhumjaithai, the situation represents a difficult balancing act. On one hand, the party must preserve the coalition partnership that underpins its hold on power. On the other, it cannot afford to alienate conservative supporters, royalist networks and establishment-aligned voters who have long viewed Thaksin as emblematic of crony capitalism and political privilege.<\/p>\n This dilemma has become more pronounced as conservative voices intensify demands for accountability. Many within the traditional establishment camp believe the political system has gradually softened its stance towards Thaksin following his return to Thailand in 2023 after years in self-imposed exile. For these critics, failing to revisit the Shin Corp controversy reinforces the perception that political compromise now outweighs legal consistency.<\/p>\n The Shin Corp sale remains politically potent because of both the scale and symbolism of the deal. The Shinawatra family sold its controlling stake in the telecommunications giant to Temasek in a transaction worth about 73 billion baht. Public outrage erupted after the family paid no capital gains tax on the sale, taking advantage of legal provisions available through stock market transactions at the time.<\/p>\n The backlash quickly evolved into a broader anti-Thaksin movement led by conservative and royalist groups, who accused him of conflicts of interest, abuse of power and selling strategic national assets to foreign investors. The controversy became a catalyst for mass street protests that ultimately culminated in the 2006 military coup.<\/p>\n Although numerous court rulings and investigations followed in subsequent years, many of Thaksin\u2019s critics argue that the state has never fully recovered the financial losses associated with the transaction. Their renewed calls reflect not only lingering resentment but also broader anxieties about the current political order.<\/p>\n For the Bhumjaithai-led government, however, reopening the matter could unleash consequences extending far beyond legal proceedings.<\/p>\n Pheu Thai remains one of the country\u2019s strongest electoral forces, particularly in the North and Northeast, despite being outperformed by the main opposition People\u2019s Party in many constituencies.<\/p>\n Even though Thaksin holds no formal government position, his influence within the party remains substantial. Coalition unity therefore depends, in part, on avoiding issues that could be interpreted as direct attacks on the Shinawatra family.<\/p>\n A forceful pursuit of compensation could provoke retaliation from Pheu Thai, potentially weakening parliamentary cooperation on budget bills, economic measures and key legislative initiatives. In a fragmented coalition environment, such friction could quickly threaten government stability.<\/p>\n At the same time, inaction carries political risks of its own.<\/p>\n Conservative factions that reluctantly backed Bhumjaithai as a preferable alternative to a more reformist administration may interpret government passivity as capitulation to Thaksin\u2019s influence. Some within the establishment camp already view the current coalition as an uneasy marriage of convenience rather than an ideologically coherent alliance, according to the source.<\/p>\n Should the government appear unwilling to confront Thaksin-related controversies, critics could accuse Bhumjaithai of abandoning principles of accountability in exchange for political survival. Such perceptions could gradually erode support among conservative voters, bureaucratic networks and influential power centres that remain wary of the Shinawatra camp.<\/p>\n The issue also illustrates the enduring polarisation in Thai politics, where legal disputes are rarely viewed in isolation from political alignments. To Thaksin\u2019s supporters, renewed attempts to pursue the Shin Corp matter may appear selective or politically motivated, especially when compared with allegations involving other powerful figures that have not received equivalent scrutiny.<\/p>\n To his opponents, however, the case represents unfinished business and a test of whether influential political dynasties remain above the law.<\/p>\n This tension places the government in a strategic bind. Moving aggressively against Thaksin could fracture the coalition, while remaining passive risks accusations of weakness and double standards.<\/p>\n The most likely outcome may therefore be a carefully managed middle path: allowing public debate and limited procedural reviews to continue without escalating into decisive legal action. Such an approach would enable Bhumjaithai to signal responsiveness to conservative concerns while avoiding a direct confrontation with Pheu Thai.<\/p>\n Still, this strategy may only postpone deeper political contradictions.<\/p>\n The Shin Corp controversy continues to resonate not merely because of unresolved tax questions, but because it embodies broader struggles over power, legitimacy and accountability within Thailand\u2019s political system. Nearly 20 years after the sale, the issue remains capable of reigniting old divisions between pro-Thaksin populist forces and conservative establishment networks, the source said.<\/p>\n As long as those divisions endure, the Shin Corp affair will likely remain less a purely legal matter than a recurring political weapon \u2014 one that successive governments must navigate with extreme caution, the source added.<\/p>\n Bhumjaithai list-MP Nikorn Chamnong has criticised the \u201cblue regime\u201d accusations by the People\u2019s Party as an \u201cattempt to manufacture belief through repeated narratives\u201d.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n The term \u201cblue regime\u201d has quickly become one of the most talked-about political phrases after People\u2019s Party leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut used it to describe the current political landscape in a social media post marking the 12th anniversary of the 2014 coup.<\/p>\n The phrase stems from the rise of the Bhumjaithai Party, which uses blue as its party colour and is widely perceived to wield considerable influence over the Senate, where around 140 of the 200 senators are regarded by critics as aligned with the party.<\/p>\n Together, these factors have fuelled perceptions of a political network with sufficient parliamentary strength to block or advance major legislation, constitutional amendments and appointments to independent public bodies.<\/p>\n The term immediately drew backlash from key Bhumjaithai figures, including Nikorn Chamnong, who said the accusations were unfair and politically motivated. He described them as an \u201cattempt to manufacture belief through repeated narratives\u201d.<\/p>\n The phrase, which implied the Senate answers to Bhumjaithai, also offended dozens of senators, who demanded a public apology and threatened legal action against the People\u2019s Party leader.<\/p>\n According to political observers, the \u201cblue regime\u201d debate says as much about the main opposition party\u2019s recent setbacks as it does about Bhumjaithai\u2019s growing political clout.<\/p>\n Olarn Thinbangtieo, a political scientist at the Faculty of Political Science and Law at Burapha University, said the term is closely linked to the upcoming elections for Bangkok governor and Pattaya mayor.<\/p>\n While opinion polls show former governor Chadchart Sittipunt remains the clear favourite in the Bangkok race, the People\u2019s Party is expected to face an uphill battle in Pattaya.<\/p>\n Mr Olarn believes Mr Natthaphong is attempting to energise supporters and boost voter turnout in both contests in an effort to improve the party\u2019s prospects. The party has struggled to maintain the political momentum it enjoyed following the general election, while Bhumjaithai has seized the initiative on several issues, including constitutional reform.<\/p>\n \u201cMr Natthaphong sought to rally voters dissatisfied with the government and encourage them to support PP candidates in local elections. But it appears he has been unable to generate the momentum the party had hoped for,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n Mr Olarn also criticised the party\u2019s strategy in the Bangkok governor race.<\/p>\n The party appears to believe it can compete with Mr Chadchart without relying heavily on traditional campaigning or even the visibility of its own candidate, focusing instead largely on social media.<\/p>\n \u201cThat underestimates Bangkok voters and assumes they will simply follow trends created online,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n He added that the party may face a similar outcome in Pattaya, where its candidate is likely to struggle against rivals backed by coalition parties.<\/p>\n \u201cIf the People\u2019s Party wants to win local elections, it needs candidates who have spent time building connections on the ground and understanding local issues. You cannot simply nominate anyone and expect voters to respond [favourably],\u201d he said.<\/p>\n According to Mr Olarn, the main opposition party has encountered difficulties on several fronts, not only in local elections.<\/p>\n First, he said, the party appears to have misread Bhumjaithai\u2019s intentions regarding constitutional reform.<\/p>\n While the People\u2019s Party sought to position itself as the driving force behind charter amendment, Bhumjaithai became the first party to submit a proposal to parliament. The move undercut the People\u2019s Party\u2019s attempt to portray itself as the sole champion of political reform.<\/p>\n Its parliamentary performance has increasingly been compared with that of Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva, who has attracted positive public attention despite leading a much smaller party.<\/p>\n \u201cMr Natthaphong came up with the term \u2018blue regime\u2019. He may believe that using a major political slogan will help generate momentum. But the reality is that the PP has suffered setbacks on multiple fronts, whether in parliament, constitutional reform or the local election arena,\u201d Mr Olarn said.<\/p>\n Mr Olarn also warned that the phrase could backfire because it is deliberately broad and open to interpretation.<\/p>\n He said the word \u201cregime\u201d carries significant weight in Thai politics and is commonly associated with power structures built around influential political figures, such as the \u201cThaksin regime\u201d, the \u201cPrayut regime\u201d or the \u201cAnutin regime\u201d.<\/p>\n In this case, different groups may interpret the term in different ways, potentially creating unnecessary tension and conflict, he said.<\/p>\n In an interview with Thairath TV, Mr Natthaphong said he was referring to the powers-that-be in Buri Ram province \u2014 widely understood to mean retired party patriarch Newin Chidchob and his family.<\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n Thaksin Shinawatra is a free man again but his legal headaches are not over. The Supreme Court has ordered authorities to collect the 17.6 billion…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":58574,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"fifu_image_url":"","fifu_image_alt":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[2611],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-58573","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-buzz-headlines","wpcat-2611-id"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sgbuzz.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/58573","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sgbuzz.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sgbuzz.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sgbuzz.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sgbuzz.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=58573"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/sgbuzz.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/58573\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sgbuzz.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/58574"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sgbuzz.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=58573"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sgbuzz.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=58573"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sgbuzz.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=58573"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}![\"Thaksin](\"https:\/\/static.bangkokpost.com\/media\/content\/dcx\/2026\/06\/06\/6113389_800.jpg\")
\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/picture>![\"Bhumjaithai](\"https:\/\/static.bangkokpost.com\/media\/content\/dcx\/2026\/06\/06\/6113394.jpg\")
<\/p>\nA phrase strikes a nerve<\/h3>\n
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